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1988 Recipients of the Presidential Medal of Freedom
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1988 Recipients of the Presidential Medal of Freedom Remarks on Presenting the Presidential Medal of Freedom to Roger L. Stevens
January 13th, 1988
Thank you all, and good evening to you all. Special regards, of course, to Roger, Christine, and their family. Roger, you were thrilled almost 40 years ago when the New York Times gave you a good review to your first Broadway production, and by the way, I can understand that. Since taking this job, I've found out just how hard it is to get a good review from the New York Times. [Laughter]
Well, tonight, Roger, we're giving your entire life a review, and it's a rave. Born in Detroit, educated at Choate, Roger's schooling ended with the advent of the Depression. He spent 5 years at odd jobs. He pumped gas. He worked on the assembly line in a Ford factory. He spent 6 months in real estate and earned not a penny. And some say he kept himself in pocket money mainly by playing blackjack and poker. [Laughter] Then in 1934 Roger sensed that certain old apartment buildings were undervalued. He put money into them and launched his first brilliant career in real estate. Soon he had holdings across the country--Detroit, New York, Seattle. And during the war, he spent 2 years at a naval air station in Florida and took the opportunity to look into Florida real estate. When the war ended, he and his colleagues bought three hotels in Florida and one in South Carolina.
By the mid-1950's, Roger's holdings qualified him as a tycoon, a magnate, a hard-driving real estate giant, but not his manner. No, there was a sense of humility and gentleness about him and always a sense of fun. In the words of a banker who worked with Roger in those days--I'll quote: "Business is a game to him. He makes it fun for you, too, because in dealing with him, you never have to concern yourself about what you'll get out of it. As a matter of fact, you sometimes wonder if he's keeping track of how he'll come out himself." [Laughter] Well, it's significant that when Roger engineered the purchase of the Empire State Building the room he selected for his office--there in what was then the tallest, most glamorous building on Earth--the room that Roger selected for his office was a cubbyhole that used to belong to a window washer. [Laughter]
Roger kept his files in cardboard boxes scattered around the floor. But as I said, real estate was only the first of Roger's brilliant careers. His second, as a New York theatrical producer, got started in 1949, when Roger staged Shakespeare's "Twelfth Night." The show ran for 48 performances, and Roger lost just a little less than $1,000 on each. But it was up from there--up and up and up. In the fifties and early sixties, Roger had as many as eight shows on Broadway a year. He produced playwrights from around the world: the Frenchman Giraudoux; the Swiss playwright Durrenmatt; the Welsh poet Dylan Thomas; and the Englishmen, Shaffer, Bolt, and Pinter.
Yet it's for his contributions to American theater that Roger should perhaps be most honored. This is the man who produced "Bus Stop," by William Inge; "Tea and Sympathy," by Robert Anderson; and "Cat on a Hot Tin Roof," by Tennessee Williams. And ladies and gentlemen, Roger Stevens is the man who backed a crazy idea to update "Romeo and Juliet" and place it in New York--backed the idea even after another producer pulled out. And after three decades, the mere mention of that show still has the power to thrill. It was called "West Side Story."
By the way, through much of this period, Roger remained an active player in the real estate market. There's a story about a theatrical producer who needed to speak to Roger about a leading lady. When he was told that Roger was in a banker's meeting about a multimillion-dollar loan for a construction project, the director explained: "How can anybody bother with a hole in the ground when we're casting?" [Laughter]
But there's still a third brilliant career to speak of. For it was, as has been said here already tonight, in 1961 that President Kennedy asked Roger to see what he could do about founding a national center for the arts here in Washington. And I might add that we Republicans were especially happy to see Roger take on the assignment. You see, it cut into the time he'd been using to raise money for the Democrats. [Laughter]
In Roger's own words: "I thought it was a shame that the world's richest nation did not have a decent place for the performing arts. I thought I'd put it together in 3 or 4 years and go back to New York. But it took 10 years to get the darn thing built, and then somebody had to run it. So, there I was." Well, today the Kennedy Center represents one of our nation's premiere cultural institutions, and more than 20 years later, Roger, there you still are. Now, Roger, if I may, I'd like to ask you to join me here at the podium. Roger?
Roger Stevens, on behalf of a grateful nation, I present to you this nation's highest civilian honor, the Medal of Freedom. And now permit me to read the citation:
"A quarter of the time, I have big hits; a quarter of the time, artistic successes; a quarter of the time, the critics were crazy; and a quarter of the time, I'm crazy." [Laughter] It figures out pretty well that way.
That humble assessment is by Roger L. Stevens, Chairman of the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts, real estate giant, chairman of the first National Council on the Arts, and producer or coproducer of more than 200 plays, including such American classics as "Cat on a Hot Tin Roof" and "West Side Story." Roger Stevens may be humble, but his achievements have enriched our nation's culture beyond measure. Congratulations, Roger. And God bless you. Thank you.
NOTE: The President spoke at 10:25 p.m. following a dinner in the Corcoran Ballroom at the Four Seasons Hotel. Mr. Stevens had served as Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts. Remarks on Presenting the Presidential Medal of Freedom to Lord Peter Carrington
May 10th, 1988
The President. I know that here we have the NATO Ambassadors. We have some Members of our Congress, other guests. And, Peter and Lady Carrington, we're all here today to honor you on the occasion of your final visit to the United States as NATO Secretary General. You've done a magnificent job at NATO. Your efforts on behalf of all of us during the past 4 years have set a new standard. But we're recognizing something more than simply 4 years of a job well done. Your stewardship of the alliance has continued a life's work in support of human decency and the ideal of freedom--the very basis of the compact for peace we call NATO. It is that commitment and that contribution which the American people are honoring today.
Your first taste of working in this alliance came as a highly decorated tank commander of the Grenadier Guards during World War II. I'm sure, Peter, that there have been times as you've presided over the North Atlantic Council, with its 16 sovereign members seemingly going off in as many directions, when you've been reminded of the confusion of the battlefield. You may even have had a moment or two when you preferred the confusion of the battlefield. [Laughter] But one of your special gifts has always been an ability to find common ground, and nowhere is that more important than at NATO.
When you took over the reins in 1984, common ground seemed a precious, scarce commodity in the alliance. The decision by NATO to deploy Pershing II and groundlaunched cruise missiles in response to the Soviet SS-20 threat had placed a number of allied governments under enormous political pressure. The Soviets were waging an aggressive propaganda campaign aimed squarely at the cohesion and unity of NATO, and those were difficult days. But our adversaries have rarely understood the strength of our democratic societies and political leadership, and they certainly had not taken your measure, Peter. No one did more to hold the alliance consensus of INF together than Peter Carrington. You believed in NATO when it counted, and that spirit has been contagious.
The results of your leadership speak for themselves. Recognizing that we would not back down, the Soviets returned to the bargaining table in Geneva. And last December General Secretary Gorbachev and I signed the INF treaty. What it should have taught us is that political solidarity with our allies and a shared willingness to do what is necessary to defend ourselves are the indispensable keys to better relations across the board with the Soviet Union.
Keeping a firm hand on the NATO tiller has not been your only accomplishment, Peter. You've also shown uncommon vision in charting the way ahead. As frustrating as it must be at times to have to accommodate to so many views in NATO, you have understood perhaps better than any of us that it is in our diversity and independence that we find our strength. Reconciling the occasionally differing views of the European members of the alliance with those of the North Americans--on a special challenge-you have quipped to me that it can be cold and lonely out there in the mid-Atlantic, where you do your work. But just as your leadership fortified the alliance during INF, it has been your gift of statesmanship which has brought our transatlantic partnership to a level of unity and common purpose unparalleled in the history of NATO.
If there was any doubt about where the alliance was heading in the earlier part of this decade, that doubt is surely gone today. Under your able hand, we have recommitted ourselves to the indispensable task of maintaining our capacity to defend ourselves and each other. You have set in motion major new programs within NATO to help all the member states better utilize the defense resources which our publics have entrusted to us. We and our partners have settled on an arms control agenda which can move the world to a new era of international political relations. Perhaps most important, you have personally symbolized the higher values which hold the alliance together: political and economic freedom, the protection of basic human rights, and a fundamental decency in the way in which nations deal with each other.
You will be sorely missed at NATO, Lord Carrington. Believe me, I know a hard act to follow when I see one. But as I said at the outset, your 4 years in Brussels have been only a small part of four decades of commitment to the ideals which unite the West. I am confident that you will continue to channel your singular talents and energy to the service of all that the alliance represents.
And so without further ado, let me, on behalf of the American people, present you with this nation's highest civilian honor, the Presidential Medal of Freedom. And let me read this citation:
"Foreign Secretary, Defense Minister, Parliamentary leader, and tank commander, Peter Alexander Rupert Carrington, the Sixth Baron Carrington, has proved himself the devoted servant of Her Majesty's government, a friend of the American people, and the faithful defender of human freedom.
"As Secretary General of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, his tireless efforts have at a critical moment in history strengthened the cause of peace and freedom for all humanity. For his selfless service the American people honor him and extend to him their gratitude and warmest affection."
This is our highest civilian award, the American Medal of Freedom.
Lord Carrington. Thank you. Mr. President, you must realize how deeply honored and moved I am by the award which you have just given me, and immensely grateful. I know how rare an honor it is for an American to be granted the Presidential Medal of Freedom. How much more so for a foreigner--but a foreigner, as you have reminded me, who sits marooned in the middle of the Atlantic, not obviously the world's most hospitable ocean. The NATO General Secretary does indeed have to detach himself from his own national roots if he is fully to serve the interests of the alliance, and particularly if he is going to keep the transatlantic bridge in good repair.
Now, you, Mr. President, have made that task for me an easy, an enjoyable, and a satisfying one. Your door has always been open to me. You have always been ready to listen when I've tried to convey the views of your European allies and my impression of the state of our alliance. And my task was not only made easy by your openness to me personally but also by your leadership of the alliance.
Throughout your Presidency, you've shown us a dynamic America--sure of herself and sure of where she's going. Your European allies have greatly benefited from the results and the vigor of your leadership. And when you met them in the NATO Council, as you last did just 2 months ago in Brussels, yours was a reassuring and a strengthening presence. You've seen to it that America's defenses remain strong, and thus that our collective security was preserved. With clarity and force you've shown how Atlantic security is indivisible, how its tight mesh unites all the 16 member countries of the alliance. We're united in the strategy to defend our peoples, our homelands, and our freedom.
And you have reminded us that to deter any potential aggressor we must maintain together a balance of conventional and nuclear forces. And your own and the American people's commitment to our collective security can, of course, be seen most clearly in the presence of 300,000 American troops you've stationed in Europe. And less visible, but of course equally important, are the U.S. strategic nuclear forces, which are the ultimate guarantor of our security. But security must go hand in hand with political effort to enable all of us to live more sensibly together. And we have in the INF treaty an historic agreement, the first negotiated reduction in nuclear forces since the advent of those terrifying weapons. And that in itself may hold out the promise of even better things to come.
Sir, we would not have managed without you. You and Vice President Bush have been supported by statesmen and public servants of great quality. George Shultz has been a rock of stability. He has taken Herculean pains to consult your European allies over every move in our relations with the Soviet Union. Frank Carlucci and Cap Weinberger have restored to American forces in the alliance a dynamism and an elan which could not have been imagined 8 years ago.
Mr. President, over the years it's so often been said that NATO is in crisis or that the alliance is beset by danger. No one would pretend that we don't have our problems and our challenges. But as I once said, though that we may not always as an alliance sing in unison, we nearly always manage to sing in harmony. And as I leave NATO after 4 rewarding years, I am as optimistic about the future of the alliance as I was when I first became associated with it, now over 30 years ago. And not least because the generous and the farsighted spirit of the American people continues to live today through the leadership which you, Mr. President, have given us in these last 8 years.
NOTE: The President spoke at 1:18 p.m. in the Roosevelt Room at the White House. Earlier, the President and Lord Carrington had lunch in the Residence. Remarks at the Presentation Ceremony for the Presidential Medal of Freedom
October 17th, 1988
Good afternoon, and thank you all for coming here. You know, maybe it'll sound a little like bragging, but I have to tell you, I really have a great job. [Laughter] And one of the reasons this is such a great job is that I get to preside at wonderful occasions like this one. We're all here today to present the Medal of Freedom to eight remarkable Americans. It's the highest civilian honor this nation can bestow, and those who are so honored have spent much of their lives advancing the cause of freedom around the world.
Like those who have come before, today's recipients are artists and statesmen, philosophers and academics, and people of action and profound introspection. Your lives and careers testify to a central truth of humanity: It is better to give than to receive. You've all given--given of your talent and your energy and your resources--because you know that the only way to fight injustice and promote freedom is to speak a resounding "no" to the forces of international complacency and a resounding "yes" to those whose souls thirst after the cool waters of liberty.
What your example--and the examples of Mac Baldrige and J. Willard Marriott, who are watching us from a better place--teach all of us is that fighting for what you believe in is not only good; it's fun. It's a pleasant experience to know you've done some good, maybe the most enjoyable experience we all have. You are all possessed of the good cheer and clear consciences of those who know they've done all they can for a cause they believe in.
The reward for good deeds does not only come in the hereafter, it comes every day in the knowledge that the world is maybe a little better because of the things you've done in your life. Well, we can't hope to top a feeling like that, but we do aim to add a little pleasure with the awards we give out today. And so, without further ado, I will now read the citations for the eight Medal of Freedom recipients of 1988. And as I start to read, you'll please come to the platform.
This is the citation for Malcolm Baldrige:
Cowboy, business executive, political activist, Cabinet Secretary--Mac Baldrige was all of these and more. To every task and role, he brought the strength of his integrity and the power of his vision. In serving his country, he became an architect of our international economic policy. And yet, though he moved with Presidents, Prime Ministers, and Kings, he was always happiest with the kind of straight-talking cowboys who elected him to the Cowboy Hall of Fame. Malcolm Baldrige had uncommon accomplishments and character. He was a true embodiment of the American spirit.
And here to accept is Mrs. Baldrige.
And the citation for Pearl Bailey Bellson: Pearl? As a girl, Pearl Bailey began singing in her father's church in Virginia and kept singing all the way to Broadway and into America's heart. Among the preeminent American entertainers of this century, she has dazzled audiences all over the world. She has also served the Nation as a Special Adviser to the United States Mission to the United Nations. And America loves Pearl Bailey, for her songs and for her soul.
The citation for Irving Brown:
As the European representative of the American Federation of Labor in the late 1940's, Irving Brown played a crucial role in breaking the hold of international communism over postwar Western Europe. By doing so, he can truly be called one of the architects of Western democracy. He has shunned publicity, believing the cause of freedom is far more important than the pleasure of fame. But his modesty cannot obscure the size of his accomplishments, and they have earned Irving Brown the gratitude of his country.
And accepting this award will be his son, Robert.
And this citation for Warren E. Burger:
As teacher, lawyer, Assistant Attorney General of the United States, and judge, Warren Burger proved his abiding love of the law. For 17 years, he served in the highest post on the highest court in the land as the 15th Chief Justice of the United States. Chief Justice Burger stepped down from the Supreme Court to lead our country in a bicentennial celebration of the Constitution--one more act of devotion and distinction by Warren Earl Burger to the Republic he loves and serves so well.
The citation for Milton Friedman:
Teacher, scholar, and theorist--Milton Friedman restored common sense to the world of economics. A winner of the Nobel Prize, Milton Friedman's technical mastery of his profession is unchallenged. But more central to his work is its moral component: an idea of human freedom in which man's economic rights are as vital as his civil and human rights. It is for his celebration of the human spirit as well as the brilliance of his mind that I bestow upon Milton Friedman the Presidential Medal of Freedom.
And the citation for Jean Faircloth MacArthur:
Vibrant, charming, brave, and ever loyal as she always puts it--"to my General," Jean MacArthur has witnessed the great cataclysms of our time, survived war and peace, conquered tragedy, and known triumph. Whether on a PT boat evading enemy ships in the South China Sea or being welcomed home by all Americans in 1951, Jean MacArthur was and is a shining example--a woman of substance and character; a loyal wife and mother; and like her General, a patriot selfless in the service of our country and the cause of freedom.
Citation for J. Willard Marriott:
The son of a humble Utah sheep rancher, J. Willard Marriott turned a small root beer stand in the Nation's Capital into one of America's largest and most successful businesses. Known for his vision, ingenuity, and hard work, J. Willard Marriott will also be remembered as a man of devotion to family, a leader in his church, a respected voice in the halls of government, and as a man who in his life and career brought honor to America.
And his wife, Alice, is accepting.
A citation for David Packard:
Accomplished businessman and skillful manager, noted philanthropist and public servant of the highest integrity--David Packard has had a legendary life and career. Dedicated to furthering the pursuit of scientific, technological, and human progress, devoted to his country and the cause of keeping her strong in a dangerous world, David Packard has served the American people effectively, generously, and proudly.
These are the eight that we honor, and I'm very proud to have been able to participate in this with these wonderful people.
NOTE: The President spoke at 1:23 p.m. in the East Room at the White House. Prior to his remarks, the President hosted a luncheon in the Residence for the recipients. Remarks at a Luncheon for Recipients of the Medal of Freedom
November 10th, 1988
Good afternoon. We award the Medal of Freedom, this nation's highest civilian honor, for the purpose of celebrating those whose lives have been dedicated to the cause of freedom--nurturing it where it's young, defending it where it's grown frayed or troubled, and battling for it where it's denied. Over the past 8 years, we've honored 83 of you, and of you it can be said: They lived well because they fought for freedom.
Now, that's why it is such an honor to have you all here today, and why we yet mourn those of your fellows who've gone to a better place. The world is made smaller and more insignificant by their absence. All of you, with us or elsewhere, have justly earned the gratitude of all Americans of good will for being champions and defenders of the cause of freedom.
But you know, if you give that phrase some thought, it makes little sense. Defending freedom, you might ask? Why on Earth would that be necessary? As Americans, we know that freedom is as much a part of us as our blood. It's not a commodity. It can't be bought, can't be sold, and it can't be bartered away. No, my friends, despite the millions upon millions of words expended to describe its meaning, the truth is that the word "freedom" is deceptively simple. It's a word that describes the God-given condition of the human soul. For what we know is this: God created us free, just as he created us man and woman. Indeed, since Adam ate of the Tree of Knowledge, there's nothing that defines us human beings so much as the fact that we're free.
Sometimes you'll hear people ask, "What's freedom for?" Well, you might as well ask what breathing is for. Just watch a baby. Infants, all infants, will make their tastes and preferences known very clearly to their parents as soon as they're able to turn their heads. That's the act of a free soul. When they reach the age of 3, they'll begin to drive their parents mad by continually asking the question, "Why?" Why is the sky blue? Why is the grass green? That curiosity, that engagement in the world around them, is the voice of freedom. When they reach adulthood, young men and women will find themselves gazing into the eyes of another and knowing with the force of revelation that they've met their destiny in those eyes. And that's the gaze of freedom.
Some people say Americans take our freedom for granted. I think that may be the most glorious gift of all. The Constitution we have makes it possible for all Americans to assume that political freedom is their birthright from the moment they open their eyes. What you've all done, what you've all made clear to us, is that we cannot be content with our own freedom. No, we must bring it to others, must make it their birthright as well.
There are people who try to will freedom away. They try to legislate it away. Worse yet, they even go so far as to deny the validity of certain segments of our freedom --as, for example, those people who believe human beings are free until they step into the marketplace, at which point they should be subject to full or partial state control. We call this idea socialism. Socialists believe humankind would be better off without economic freedom, and so they seek to replace it with rules and regulations. And if there's one tragic lesson the 20th century has taught us, it is that the social engineers cannot tailor the human soul to fit the fashions of the present day, no matter how they try. For the truth is, men cannot design humankind.
The world has come to acknowledge that socialism is a failed ideology. But there are worse. From the dawn of time, but especially from the dawn of a dark day in November 1917, there have also been those who have tried to throttle freedom. And that's what tyranny is. Some have argued that tyrants tyrannized their people for good reason, because the need for food outweighed the need for freedom. But that's a fundamental misunderstanding of tyranny. Tyrants tyrannize because that's what they do for a living. No one has described it half so well as Shakespeare when portraying Macbeth's dominion over Scotland: "Our country sinks beneath the yoke. It weeps. It bleeds. And each new day a gash is added to her wounds."
But the ungodly force called tyranny still cannot rid the human soul of its freedom, no matter how hard it may try. Tyrants can defy the benefits-or deny the benefits, I should say--of freedom to their peoples, can kill freedom by killing free people. But freedom itself they cannot have. For one thing, people like you won't allow it. Nor will that Higher Being allow it.
Our greatest freedom, the freedom to choose right from wrong, cannot be willed away by the tyrants. For God has given all humankind the gift of knowing right from wrong and the responsibility to choose between them. And how will we know which way to choose? Well, Saul Bellow's Mr. Sammler says it best in a prayer. "For that is the truth of it: that we all know, God, that we know, that we know, we know, we know." And this, my friends, is the essence of freedom--that we follow the biblical admonition: "I have set before you life and death. Therefore choose life."
Like the Nation itself that has nurtured us and made us all whole, you have chosen life, and you've given others the courage to choose life as well. In a society like ours, where all men are created equal, the best a human being can hope to achieve is to make himself or herself an example to clear a path to righteousness that others may follow. This you've done. And because of you, oppressed peoples now breathe free. Because of you, the hopeless now have hope. And it's because of people like you and the Nation we live in that, I believe, with all my heart, as I told an audience at Georgetown University not long ago, we are living in a time that will come to be known as the age of freedom.
So, it's my privilege in these, the concluding days of my Presidency, to invite you to this fine White House as representative of the Nation that has bequeathed its bounties to all of us, to look about and say, along with Shakespeare, "What a piece of work is a man." And Shakespeare may have goofed, but I'm not going to, because I'm going to add" and a woman." [Laughter]
Thank you, and God bless you all.
NOTE: The President spoke at 1:17 p.m. in the East Room at the White House. In his remarks, he referred to American novelist Saul Bellow.
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Medal History
